By James D. Le Sueur
Algeria's democratic test is seminal in post-Cold conflict history. the 1st Muslim kingdom to try the transition from an authoritarian procedure to democratic pluralism, this North African kingdom turned a try out case for reform in Africa, the Arab international and beyond. but while the rustic appeared guaranteed to develop into the world's first elected Islamic republic, there has been an army coup and the democratic technique was once introduced sharply to a halt. Islamists declared jihad at the nation and millions of civilians have been killed within the resulting decade of nation repression. Le Sueur exhibits that Algeria is on the very center of latest debates approximately Islam and secular democracy, arguing that the steadiness of Algeria is important for the protection of the broader heart East. Algeria on account that 1989 is a full of life and crucial exam of the way the destiny of 1 nation is entwined with a lot higher worldwide issues.
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Extra resources for Algeria Since 1989: Between Terror and Democracy (Global History of the Present)
17 However, the visit was viewed as both brash and naïve in Washington, and not just as a case of poor timing and bad judgment. As it happened, the day Ben Bella landed in Havana was the very day that the CIA informed National Security Advisor McGeorge Bundy of the U-2 reconnaissance photographs detailing the existence of the Soviet missiles in Cuba. Eager to placate fellow third-worlders, Ben Bella also endorsed Castro’s claim to the American naval base at Guantánamo. On October 22, President Kennedy went on live television to inform citizens that the US was on the brink of a nuclear war with the Soviets in Cuba (who had over 40,000 Soviet soldiers and 20 nuclear warheads already on the island).
Algerian authorities chose July 5 for its symbolism. It was on that day in 1830 that France commenced its assault on the Ottoman Empire, the rulers who had remained in control of the territory since the 1500s. It would be on that day that Algerians would rejoice at the fact that they had finally rid themselves of the French. The war of independence had begun on November 1, 1954, and the ceasefire agreed to in Evian, France, between Algerian revolutionaries and President Charles de Gaulle’s government had been in effect since March 19, 1962.
Pointing to a swift national turn-around, his supporters thus contend that Boumediene rapidly accelerated Algeria’s rate of growth, especially in key economic sectors, including major construction projects, education, health care, and other basic societal needs. He was able to do this by seizing even more power and by pushing Algeria onto a strongly state-centered socialist path, in which the nationalization of industries and economic activity as well as of religious programs came into play. Supporters, especially secularists, argue that it was only through this rigid control that massive industrial progress was achieved, and that Boumediene’s control over the nation’s mosques and religious institutions kept the Islamists under control.
Algeria Since 1989: Between Terror and Democracy (Global History of the Present) by James D. Le Sueur